There are many factors that contribute to the attribution of blame onto the victims of rape. A key contributor is what has come to be know as ‘Rape Myths.’ “Rape myths are attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women” (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994, p.134). Myths about rape typically include ideas like i) All women secretly want to get raped, ii) no woman can be raped against her will, iii) women who get raped were ‘asking for it’ and iv) most women lie about being raped (Brownmiller, 1975; Allison and Wrigtsman, 1993). Because of these widely accepted, or at the very least widely acknowledged, beliefs rape victims typically are allotted more blame than is appropriate. As Allison and Wrightsman (1993) assert, “these falsehoods create a climate hostile to rape victims, portraying them as often-willing participants in furtive sexual encounters, or even as instigators of them”(99). One would think that most people with the capacity for rational thought would recognize that these are in fact myths and should not aid in the allocation of blame in cases of rape. Unfortunately, this is not the case. To understand why such myths persist in our culture we must look into both attitudes toward rape as well as attitudes toward women in general.
What does it mean to attribute blame to the victim? In their book Rape: The Misunderstood Crime Allison and Wrightsman talk about the difference between blame, causality, and responsibility and how the understanding (or misunderstanding) of each affects the formation of perceptions of rape victims. These terms and their relation bring up questions like ‘Did her character or behavior cause this outcome?’ ‘Can one be victimized and responsible at the same time?’ and ‘Do observers actually believe she should be blamed for her misfortune?’ They go on to point out that these terms are often used interchangeably when they actually should not be. To begin with, blame is when an offensive act has occurred, and the offender’s excuses for this act are found to be insufficient. This given, in order to assign blame to someone there must first be a negative event followed by at an attempt to defend or justify it. Further, there is then the task of determining intention. This is where the legitimacy of the term ‘blaming the victim’ comes into question. If we look at intention in a case of rape, most would not venture to say that ‘she asked for it,’ in a literal sense, thus rejecting the validity of the term. Causality, on the other hand, can be defined as when previous circumstances are sufficient for some specific event to occur. Since there will always be preceding events for all other events it is logical that attributions of causality might be the most common (Allison and Wrightsman, 1993). If we apply this definition of causality to the situation of rape it is almost certain that the victim will have been engaged in some sort of behavior before being victimized, thus making it quite easy to conclude that those behaviors led to or caused the rape. Causality is typically attributed more heavily to the victim when these antecedents consisted of behaviors such as drinking, flirting, or dressing provocatively. Lastly, responsibility is the most complicatedly defined concept. Allison and Wrightsman rely on the breakdown provided by Heider (1958) who outlined five different ways in which responsibility can be interpreted. These five ways are association, commission, forseeability, intentionality, and justification. The overall idea put forth by these different interpretations of the term boil down to the fact that intention is not required to assign responsibility, and often one can be held responsible for things that are beyond their control. The understanding of these three terms is very important to the discussion of rape victims and why/how it is that they are so often blamed for their own victimization. It seems that blame is not the correct term in the sense that women do not intend to get raped, regardless of their actions. It seems however, that causality and responsibility are most commonly, and perhaps more appropriately, attributed to the victim as opposed to actual blame.
Nevertheless, why is it that women are found so culpable in their own victimization? It is not actually the rape myths themselves that are the problem, but perhaps something deeper. It is the perceptions that led to the existence of these myths as well as the factors that shape those perceptions that are responsible. “Rape ideology is ubiquitous, powerful, both subtle and overt–and it has devastating effects on victims of sexual assault” (Ward, 1995). It seems that a significant element in the attribution of responsibility to victims of sexual assault is the relationship between and roles of men and women. It is no secret that many regard rape as a crime of power rather than as a sexual crime. This given, it is no wonder that in a patriarchal society there is a tendency to ‘blame the victim’ or make her the responsible party. It has been suggested that we live in a ‘rape culture’ in which traditional views of women and their appropriate roles seem to support and condone rape (Allison & Wrightsman, 1995). Susan Brownmiller pointed out, “violence against women is an integral part of a patriarchal society; rape is a social tradition of male domination and female exploitation” (Ward, 1995). Many have argued that women get the blame for their own victimization because they are seen as weak and subordinate, unable to protect themselves. As the argument goes, women are powerless, are aware of their powerlessness, and thus should be responsible in planning and acting in such a way as to avoid rape. This is flawed for obvious reasons, and acts to perpetuate rape myths as well as the idea that men learn to be aggressors and women to be victims. This puts women in a position where they are the ‘guardians of morality’ while men bear insignificant responsibility for their sexual actions since sexual necessity is viewed as an innate quality in men . The perpetuation of rape myths can perhaps be viewed as an attempt for patriarchy to maintain status and power over a subordinated female population.
Gender roles not only have an effect on the acts themselves but also on the way in which people perceive these acts. When it comes to the attribution of blame/responsibility, rape perceptions held by men versus those held by women are highly variable. “The Sex Role Socialization Analysis of Rape proposes that both men and women develop expectations for normative gender-role behaviours during sexual interaction as a result of developmental processes and social prescriptions” (Simonson & Subuch, 1999). Again this points to the social development by which rape can come to be seen as an extension of gender roles as opposed to what it really is; a violent, pathological act. In their study in 1999 Simonson & Subuch produced data, which suggests that both men and women tend to view marital rape as a less serious offense than they did acquaintance, date, or stranger rape. Their data shows that those who are more traditional tend to curtail the perceptions of rape as well as the effect it has on the victim. Accordingly, they also reported that those who were less traditional in terms of beliefs regarding gender-roles tended to perceive any of the forms of rape as more serious and were less likely to blame the victim. This considered, the idea that people tend to view marital rape as less severe seems to uphold the idea that gender-roles are significant in producing perceptions of rape victims in regards to man’s control or right to a women with which he is so intimately involved.
Another study conducted by Freetly and Kane (1995) looked at the male and female perceptions of non-consensual sex by observing college students in order to examine gender differences in perceptions of rape. They conducted their study via a questionnaire that looked at reactions to scenarios that depicted non-consensual sex between people of varying degrees of prior intimacy as well as the amount of force used by the offender and the amount resistance put forth by the victim. They also paid special attention to participant gender and whether they themselves had ever been involved in any form of sexual assault. The main findings in this study were first, that the level of prior intimacy between victim and offender affects perception and interpretation. Second, gender differences were obviously present in responses and women were more likely to consider a man’s actions entirely unacceptable. Lastly, and as the authors suggest most importantly, previous exposure to a victim of sexual assault shows significant effects with gender in predicting responses to both rape and rape stereotypes (Freetly & Kane, 1995). What this means then, in terms of blame/responsibility is that perhaps rape hits closer to home for women and thus women are less likely to condemn or blame the victim because she is more likely to relate to or see herself in the same position. Men, on the other hand, often seem more inclined to blame the victim, especially when they have not previously been in contact with one. Freely and Kane’s evidence points to the fact that perhaps since rape is not a part of a man’s ‘personal landscape,’ knowing a victim of sexual assault may have larger effects on them. Thus, men who actually know a victim would blame women less than would a man who had no such contact. If this is so, we can then see that the levels of attribution of blame onto a rape victim is definitely affected by both gender as well as personal experience or association with a victim of rape.
Aside from the effect that gender roles have on attribution of responsibility, it is also important to look at the different cognitive processes that are involved. Attribution theory, for instance, is “a collection of ideas about the cognitive processes people rely upon to make sense of the world” (Ward, 1995, p.70). Attribution theory is mainly interested in which ways, under which circumstances, and for what reason causality is inferred and applied. Ward goes on to explain that in terms of sexual assault it has been argued that there are two ego-protective processes that are at work when attempting to understand behavior. The first is the tendency to preserve control over one’s environment, and the second is to enhance self-esteem. These in turn, in relationship to rape and sexual assault, are related to the ‘just world hypothesis’ and the theory of defensive attribution (Ward, 1995).
The ‘just world’ hypothesis then is a construct that is theoretically applicable to the ascription of responsibility onto rape victims (Learner, 1970). This theory operates on the assumption that the attribution of responsibility is predicated on the idea that people get what they deserve and deserve what they get. “In cases where individuals suffer misfortune but appear behaviorally blameless, there is a tendency to derogate and denigrate them, suggesting that they are in some way deserving of their fates” (Ward, 1995, p.72). It seems that when observers are not able to in some way recompense the victims for their suffering, they turn on them, adopting the mentality that if they cannot help them then they can blame them. This belief in a just world mentality allows people to keep a certain order in their own world, making them feel safe. Thus, in a ‘just world’ only a blameworthy girl would get raped because she must have gotten what she deserved (Allison & Wrightsman). Ward points out that Walster (1966) came to the conclusion that “observers feel less vulnerable and more in control of their own fates if they can either generate explanations based on blameworthy behaviors or can distinguish themselves from deserving victims”(71). When the character or actions of a person doesn’t fit her outcome (being raped) then the idea of a just world is compromised. This is a problem because people tend to feel threatened or insecure when their worldly beliefs are endangered. In the event of such a threat there is normally an attempt to restore justice and this is why blame/responsibility is then attributed to the victim. The idea is that if some other explanation cannot make clear why it happened, i.e. justice cannot be restored, the observer will then make inferences which lead to the belief that the victim must have acted in some way to provoke the rape (Learner, 1966). “When the reality of rape can no longer be denied, patriarchal visions attribute blame to the women” (Ward 1995, 27). This creates the attitude that women in some way provoke rape; her actions, appearance, or behaviour precipitated it.
More often than not in the event of rape, the burden of proving who is at fault falls on the victim. Rape is one of the only crimes with which it is normally the case that the victim has to prove that she is truthful as opposed to the accused being expected to prove his innocence. Since this is normally the case, there are many factors that are looked at when a one alleges rape against another. Characteristics of the victim are looked at scrupulously such as level of respectability, victim-rapist relationship, amount of resistance, pre-rape behavior, and attractiveness.
In terms of the relationship of the victim to the rapist, studies provide mixed outcomes as to whether the level of relationship affects the extent to which the victim is blamed. The previously mentioned study conducted by Freetly and Kane (1995) provides data which points to the tendency for the level of acceptability of a man’s actions to go up as the level of intimacy goes up. In table one of their study they report the percentages of respondents who reported that the behavior of a man in a provided scenario of non-consensual sex was totally unacceptable. Men and women rated the man’s behaviour in the scenario that included non-consensual sex between acquaintances as 95.3% and 99.2% unacceptable, but only 23.3% and 45.0% unacceptable for those who were married, respectively (Freetly & Kane 1995). This implies that both men and women tend to see non-consensual sex as more acceptable the more developed the relationship was. Accordingly, this can perhaps reinforce the rape myth that ‘women lie about being raped’ or ‘women can’t be raped if they don’t want to be.’ The fact that people tend to view marital rape as less severe or not actually rape, suggests that either women owe sex to men with whom they have intimate relationships with, or that they are able to stop it if necessary, again putting responsibility into the hands of the woman.
Respectability and pre-rape behaviour of the victim are also heavily weighed factors in the attribution of blame. Factors include: promiscuity, cohabitation, chronic alcohol or drug use, going home with a man, asking a man out, letting the man pay for the date, not protesting/resisting his advances early enough, leading him on, and being sexually attracted to the perpetrator. This upholds the idea that women are supposed to adhere to their traditional gender roles and act accordingly, maintaining a certain level of prudence, caution, and respectability (Ward, 1995). It then follows that when women set out beyond these prescribed roles, whatever fate befalls them, such as being raped, is then their own fault. If this in fact the case, women are then being denied their basic right to live freely and instead being asked/forced to live in a state of constant apprehension.
A study conducted by Beverly Kopper (1996) looked at how the time of initial resistance effected the perception of acquaintance rape blame and avoidability. In her study Kopper hypothesized that those with low rape myth acceptance would be less likely to blame the victim and that early resistance would be related to less victim blame. Participants (355 women and 179 men) in the study were college students at a large midwestern university, mostly white, and most were under the age of 25. They were given an acquaintance rape scenario, a questionnaire about those scenarios, the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, and the Bem Sex-role Inventory. Women achieved a lower mean rape myth acceptance score of 37.57 compared to men who received a score of 42.63 with a mean of 37.98 for the entire sample. It can be seen in Table I provided in Kopper’s paper that those with lower rape myth acceptance were less likely to blame the victim with a mean of 5.62 opposed to the mean of 11.84 for those with a high rape myth acceptance. Also, Participants were less likely to blame the victim the earlier she resisted with a mean of 4.1 for early resistance and 11.82 for late resistance. Also, those with low rape myth acceptance tended to blame the perpetrator more with a mean of 83.62, different from those with high rape myth acceptance who had a mean of 68.68. Generally, Kopper provided sufficient evidence for her hypotheses, which in turn provide insight into how people interpret the different aspects of rape and attribute blame. Perhaps for the purposes of this paper the most significant point here is that both men and women tend to hold the victim responsible more often when she shows resistance at a later point, suggesting that victims of rape are in fact blamed at times for not fighting hard enough or early enough, when ‘no’ should be sufficient at any point.
A similar study by Barbara Krahe (1988) focused also on the amount of rape myth acceptance but also took into account pre-rape behavior of the victim. Krahe performed two separate studies. In the first one 35 male and 37 female volunteers with and average age of 25.2 years were given the 19-item Rape Myth Acceptance Scale and shown a brief rape scenario. After the vignette, each participant was asked to rate on a 0-100% scale the responsibility of both the victim and the assailant. Of the 72 participants, 58 attributed no blame to the victim. Krahe points out that the results of a factorial analysis of variance with rape myth acceptance and gender as independent variables showed that there was a significant effect of rape myth acceptance on attribution of victim responsibility with F(1,68)=6.02 where p<.02 (Krahe 1988). Similarly, the ratings for assailant responsibility produced a significant main effect for rape myth acceptance, F(1,68)=13.2 where p<.001, supporting the hypothesis that rape myth acceptance also has a strong influence on attribution of responsibility to the assailant as well as the victim (Krahe 1988). In the second study Krahe looked at both rape myth acceptance as well as pre-rape behavior of the victim and how these factors contributed to that attribution of blame. Her two hypotheses for this part of the study were first, that a victim who is engaged in pre-rape behavior that is ‘role discrepant’ will be attributed more blame than will a victim which had engaged in ‘role conforming’ pre-rape behavior. Secondly she hypothesizes that the higher one’s rape myth acceptance, the more likely he/she is to attribute blame to the victim (Krahe 1988). This part of the study included 36 male and 37 female volunteers of the average age of 26.4. Participants were given a rape scenario which either included ‘role discrepant’ or ‘role conforming’ behavior on the part of the victim and then were asked to attribute blame on the same 0-100% scale. The results for this part of the study did not provide support for the first hypothesis but did strongly support the second upholding the theory that there is a connection between the victims ‘role conformity’ and the level of rape myth acceptance held by the subject. Generally this study concluded that “People who accept stereotypic ideas about rape appear more ready to take victim’s behavior into account as an aggravating or attenuating factor in assessing both victim and assailant responsibility” (Krahe, 1988, pp.56)
It is not only observers who often have a tendency to attribute responsibility to the victim, but also the victims who often attribute responsibility to themselves. If most women who actually experience sexual assault tend to blame themselves for one reason or another, is it hard to understand why those who pass judgment might also come to the same conclusion?
“In most cases the woman involved blames herself either because she got too drunk, or because she stayed too late at a party, or for some other reason. The men involved seem too feel no such confusion. They brag about the act among their male friends and revel in a sense of enhanced masculinity that comes from a feeling of sexual power and dominance over women” (Sanday, 1990 p.60)
In Peggy Sanday’s book Fraternity Gang Rape she thoroughly addresses the differences in perception of gang rape in a college environment both of male and female students, as well as administration. The above quotation is in reference to a situation in which a young college girl was gang raped by a group of frat members at one of their parties. Both the victim as well as the perpetrators were drunk, the victim to an incapacitating extent, and the interpretations of the event that transpired were markedly different. The victim, Laurel, had a reputation of being ‘easy’ and for drinking and doing a considerable amount of drugs. Laurel’s side of the story was that she did not consent and was taken advantage of in a very drunken state. The perpetrators were also drunk and in their defense claimed “she wanted it” and that “We were drunk. What did you expect us to do, carry her home?” These perceptions obviously laid blame very differently, and Sanday makes a good point when she makes the assertion “If the brothers admit that they were beyond ‘premeditation’ because they were drunk, then Laurel was beyond the premeditation necessary for consent” (58). In such a situation, to hold the victim entirely responsible, drunk or sober, results in the support of the rape myth that ‘she was asking for it’ or “she wanted to be raped,’ when that is clearly erroneous. It also places women in an unfair role of propriety, pardoning or even condoning the actions of men while penalizing women for the same behavior. This goes back to the traditional gender roles and expectations that put women at a disadvantage when people pass judgment on occurrences such as rape.
Analytic Review. PSPB, Vol. 3, pp. 295-315, March 1997.
Sexual Intercourse. Sex Roles, Vol. 33, Nos. 11/12, 1995.
Kopper, Beverly. Gender, Gender Identity, Rape Myth Acceptance, and the Time of Initial
Resistance on the Perception of Aquantance Rape Blame Avoidability. Sex Roles, Vol. 34, Nos. ½, 1996.
Attributions to Victims of Rape. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 18, pp.50-58, 1988.
Lonsway, K. A., & Fitzgerald, L. F. Rape Myths: In Review. Psychology of Women
Quarterly, Vol. 18, pp. 133-164.
Ward, Colleen. Attitudes Toward Rape: Feminist and Social Psychological Prospectives.
SAGE Publications Ltd., 1995.
Sanday, Peggy. Fraternity Gang Rape: Sex, Brotherhood, and Privilege on Campus. New
York UPD, 1990.
Traditionality and Victim Perpetrator Association. Sex Roles, Vol. 40, Nos. 7/8, 1999.